Since the Iraqi Governing Council decision on 9 December 2003 to expel the foreign terrorist Mojahedin-e Khalq organization
Since the Iraqi Governing Council decision on 9 December 2003 to expel the foreign terrorist Mojahedin-e Khalq organization from the country, the Mojahedin has concentrated all its effort on this and a few related issues.
The Mojahedin’s propaganda campaign is centred on the spurious claim that the 3,800 remaining in Iraq are all in immediate danger of being extradited to Iran, even though Paul Bremer and others have repeatedly denied any intention of sending anyone to Iran, except when individuals make this request themselves. This behaviour is reminiscent of the situation in 1986 when Massoud Rajavi first sold his organisation to Saddam Hussein. Rajavi did so using the fictitious pretext that the west, headed by France, had made a deal with Iran to extradite him there.
The Mojahedin’s second line argument is that the Americans must preserve the Mojahedin intact because it represents the only way to ‘stop the spread of Islamic fundamentalism’ in Iraq. This exactly echoes Saddam Hussein’s use of the Mojahedin during his reign, as a repressive force against Iraq’s Shiite population. In particular he used the Mojahedin as a proxy force to massacre Kurds and Marsh Arabs in the March 1991 uprisings. Certainly, this is among the major reasons the IGC wants them removed.
The Americans decided to pass this dead body to the UN. The UN passed it to the International Committee of the Red Cross. The ICRC refused to deal with a terrorist organization and will only deal with individuals. The body is now back again in the hands of the US Army.
The Mojahedin’s problem however is not about being sent to Iran. Since the fall of Saddam, a great deal of fresh evidence has surfaced which exposes the Mojahedin’s role as a mercenary fighting force in the pay of and taking direct orders from Saddam Hussein. The Mojahedin leader Massoud Rajavi and a number of the organization’s other leading and executive members now stand accused, with incontrovertible evidence, of:
participation in the massacre of Kurds and Marsh Arabs during the March 1991 uprisings
complicity in hiding WMDs for Saddam
participation in joint terrorist operations with Saddam’s Intelligence Services
involvement in selling illegal oil for Saddam
receiving millions of dollars in financial support from Saddam
the torture, imprisonment and murder of disaffected members at its bases and in Iraq’s Abu Ghoraib political prison
Documents from the former Iraqi regime’s own ministries and videotapes filmed by Iraq’s Secret Service itself, have shocked even the members of the Mojahedin since most did not know the full extent of this collusion with and indebtedness to Saddam Hussein. The result has been widespread disaffection inside the organization. Nearly 300 who demanded separation from the Mojahedin have been removed to another part of Ashraf camp by the Americans. Several more have managed to escape and have testified to the imprisonment, torture and executions inside the Mojahedin’s camps. Three of the most recent escapees, Alireza Moghadami, Davood Heydari and Gholam Mehdi Gholioghlou, are presently in Soleimanieh in Kurdistan and have taken part in telephone interviews with western media from there. The Mojahedin’s supporters in the west are ashamed of even going to their meetings, resulting in rapidly falling numbers at events from thousands to tens of people, even when all the supporters’ expenses are paid by the Mojahedin.
The Mojahedin’s silence on these issues has been deafening! The organization prefers, instead of answering the accusations, to spend the remains of the money from Saddam Hussein on employing a brigade of lawyers to find ways to blackmail, threaten and otherwise denigrate any Iranian, Iraqi, European or anyone else they can in an effort to prevent them pursuing these issues, whether in the media, political circles or through the courts.
The Mojahedin’s real struggle is not so that they are not extradited to Iran, it is a fight for the survival of Massoud Rajavi and his ‘leadership’ gang.
On July 1st the Iraqi Governing Council will take responsibility for the government of Iraq. The threat that this poses to the Mojahedin cannot by underestimated. If Rajavi and his gang of criminals do not get out of Iraq by July they will be put on trial in Iraq for crimes committed as the closest collaborators of Saddam Hussein. Rajavi has until July to convince someone to buy his organization and either reinstall it as a military force in some other country or to remove it en masse to Europe and reinvent it as a pseudo political force.
All the Mojahedin’s activities are now focused on this issue. How to escape Iraq.
In considering how to approach the Mojahedin it is vital to focus upon, as paramount, two key facts:
The Mojahedin is not an Iranian opposition organization, it is an isolated cult. The Mojahedin has not had any involvement in the Iranian political scene for many years. Rajavi used his propaganda machine in the west to provide proof for Saddam that the Mojahedin was taken seriously in western political circles. It now performs the similar function of advertising his armed cult as a tool for the west to use somewhere in the Middle East. Mojahedin approaches to politicians in western democracies are not based on the politics of Iran but are self-evidently for the purposes of propaganda and self-preservation.
The Mojahedin is not a political organization it is a mercenary militant force. The Mojahedin raison d’être is armed force not politics. Armed struggle is the fundamental belief system which governs the organization. It has long passed the point of no return. This is why the Mojahedin, or any of its aliases, cannot denounce terrorism, whether in the form of the 9/11 tragedy or the crimes of Saddam Hussein. Currently the Mojahedin has halted all its English language internet broadcasts and instead opened a rash of Farsi sites which broadcast virulent and aggressive messages in order to keep its Fedayeen forces already in Europe in a state of readiness for terrorist actions.
The July 1st deadline for Rajavi is fast approaching. The activities he commands of his organization reveal above all that he has neither principles nor scruples. The Mojahedin is being used as the mouthpiece for sophisticated Intelligence Agencies to exert leverage against Iran with revelations about its nuclear power program. It is not difficult to identify Iran’s protagonists within the right wing of Israel and the neo-cons in the US administration.
In Europe Rajavi has no friends and is forced to adopt a different tack.
Only this week, the Mojahedin’s lawyer in Denmark has challenged the government there over the issue of 13 Iranians in Ashraf camp who, she claims, should be protected under Danish law. The government has refuted this. The lawyer then admitted in an interview that only one of these Iranians is a Danish citizen, four have permanent leave to remain and she had nothing to say about the remaining eight. This is the same propaganda ploy used in Canada in January. Four international lawyers are currently employed to challenge the UK government also. No doubt governments in all European countries will be facing the charge of not protecting their citizens who are in reality part of a foreign terrorist outfit in Iraq. In spite of this, the Mojahedin refuse to allow the ICRC to deal with these people individually and help them to third countries. Fortunately, governments are not obliged to take any notice of the ‘law’ of propaganda.
The pertinent question remains as to whether this cult really is worth using by the Likud Party and US neo-cons or whether it isn’t well past its sell by date.
What would happen to the backer of such a cult in the event that its leaders are used full on against Arabic countries or Iraq or Iran? Will there be another tragedy as resulted from the use of Falangists in Lebanon. Is it possible that history be repeated with support similar to that given to Bin Laden against the Soviets, or will it result in another scandal similar to the selling of WMDs to Saddam to use against his own people? And what consideration has been made of the danger this cult poses to the European countries and US where it may eventually reside?
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