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In such a condition, where the leader of the group thought that going deeper into sectarian ideologies can save him from the crisis, natural violence of the MKO (rooted in its terrorist attitudes) targeted its own members and created another page of crime and obscenity. They resorted to obligatory divorces, forced members to stop thinking and questioning, put them into prisons, tortured and forced them to confess to what they had not done; these are all fruits of dictatorial leadership of the cult.
In the Name of God Disarming terrorists is much easier than cleansing their ideology from violence and anarchy. This is a lesson we took from the changes in the terrorist MKO, two and half years after the fall of Saddam! This reminds us that the world community has long way to go to get to a world, free of violence and terror. Today, we see how licentious terrorism massacres innocent people all over the world and in our neighboring country, Iraq, tens of people are killed everyday. Also in Iran, terrorism once exposed its merciless violent face and created an environment full of hatred and grief. Catastrophic social aspects of terrorism- which appeared in the organization of Mojahedin-e khalq and led to the killing of many Iranian people and elites- reached a historical deadlock and was pushed out of the circles of the society due to standing against people, betraying the country, relying on the ideology of hatred and opposing humanity and freedom. Then, in an ill-fated event, sponsored by colonialists, Saddam Hussein came to support this rejected group. In return, terrorist MKO focused its efforts on launching mortars, spying in war fronts, killing hundreds of Iranian soldiers and so on. It should be stressed again that the failure of terrorists’ plots in Iran was due to not having popular support. This is what the terrorists and their masters have not been able to understand (or sometimes they have tried to destroy it). While being entangled in irreversible deadlock of Iraq, what they called military support turned to become their historical-strategic hanging rope. In such a condition, where the leader of the group thought that going deeper into sectarian ideologies can save him from the crisis, natural violence of the MKO (rooted in its terrorist attitudes) targeted its own members and created another page of crime and obscenity. They resorted to obligatory divorces, forced members to stop thinking and questioning, put them into prisons, tortured and forced them to confess to what they had not done; these are all fruits of dictatorial leadership of the cult. Sending members to isolation in Al-Ramadi, establishing prisons under the name of hotels, separating children from their parents in order to control them, torturing and killing dissidents is another side of the coin of terrorism; it’s of course the result of spreading violence in the society. Releasing a report called “No Exit”, Human Rights Watch organization described the violence and horror governing the affairs inside the MKO as follows: Human rights abuses carried out by MKO leaders against dissident members ranged from prolonged incommunicado and solitary confinement to beatings, verbal and psychological abuse, coerced confessions, threats of execution, and torture that in two cases led to death. The testimonies of the former MKO members indicate that the organization used three types of detention facilities inside its camps in Iraq. The interviewees described one type as small residential units, referred to as guesthouses (mihmansara), inside the camps. The MKO members who requested to leave the organization were held in these units during much of which time they were kept incommunicado. They were not allowed to leave the premises of their unit, to meet or talk with anyone else in the camp, or to contact their relatives and friends in the outside world. The second type of detention inside the MKO camps was called bangali shodan by the witnesses, referring to solitary confinement inside a small pre-fabricated trailer room (bangal). Dissident members who requested to leave the organization as well as ordinary members were detained in the bangals. Detention inside a bangal was considered a form of MKO punishment for members whom the leadership considered to have made mistakes. They were expected to reflect on their mistakes and to write self-criticism reports while in detention. The third type of detention reported by the witnesses encompassed imprisonment, physical torture and interrogations inside secret prisons within the MKO camps. These prisons were primarily used for persecution of political dissidents. Their existence was unknown to most members. The witnesses who suffered under this form of detention told Human Rights Watch that they were unaware that the organization maintained such prisons until they experienced it firsthand. One of the witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, Mohammad Hussein Sobhani, spent eight-and-a-half years in solitary confinement, from September 1992 to January 2001, inside the MKO camps. Ali Ghasghavi, Alireza Mir Asgari, Ali Akbari, and Abbas Sadeghinejad were severely tortured, subjected to harsh interrogation techniques and forced to sign false confessions stating their links to Iranian intelligence agents. Abbas Sadeghinejad, Ali Ghashghavi, and Alireza Mir Asgari, three former members of MKO interviewed by Human Rights Watch, witnessed the death of Parviz Ahmadi in February 1995 inside an internal MKO prison in Iraq. The three shared a prison cell during the security clearance arrests in February 1995. Parviz Ahmadi was a dissident member who was held in the same cell. Ali Ghashghavi told Human Rights Watch that Parviz Ahmadi was taken for interrogations on his second day of being held in the prison cell: It was the start of Ramadan [February 1995] when the prison guards came to fetch Parviz Ahmadi. He was gone for a couple of hours. When they brought him back he was badly beaten and died soon afterwards. Abbas Sadeghinezhad, who was also present in the cell, recalled the final moments of Parviz Ahmadi’s life: The prison door opened, and a prisoner was thrown into the cell. He fell on his face. At first we didn’t recognize him. He was beaten up severely. We turned him around; it was Parviz Ahmadi taken for interrogations just a few hours before. Ahmadi was a unit commander. His bones were broken all over, his legs were inflamed; he was falling into a coma. We tried to help him but after only ten minutes he died as I was holding his head on my lap. The prison guard opened the door and pulled Ahmadi’s lifeless body out Alireza Mir Asgari, who was also present, corroborated the circumstances of Parviz Ahmadi’s death. In contrast, the MKO’s publication Mojahed of March 2, 1998, lists Parviz Ahmadi as an MKO “martyr” killed by Iranian intelligence agents. Abbas Sadeghinejad told Human Rights Watch that he had earlier witnessed the death of another prisoner, Ghorbanali Torabi, after Torabi was returned from an interrogation session to a prison cell that he shared with Sadeghinejad. What was mentioned, and hundreds of other ignored cases, reported during past few years by defectors and former members, convinced us to initiate efforts in order to recognize sectarian violence, especially the violence aimed at dissident members and critics of the organization; the violence used to protect iron curtains of former fascist regime of Saddam Hussein. In addition, we wanted to have an all-out analysis of the current situation of the MKO in Iraq, and find solutions to save all those who’ve been kept in organization’s camp against their will.

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